Labour To Prove Marxism Works Best After Becoming Multi-Millionaires

Labour To Prove Marxism Works Best After Becoming Multi-Millionaires

London Prat

Labour Party Celebrates Grassroots Activism, Global Elites, Celebrity Billionaires, And Other Ordinary Working People

Bollinger Bolsheviks: Comrades Who Tax Everyone But Themselves

Britain’s Champagne Left Declares War On Wealth, Inequality, And Anyone Unfortunate Enough To Be Sat In Economy

LONDON — Somewhere in a Georgian townhouse in Islington, a comrade is finishing a glass of something French and explaining, with great feeling, why ordinary people should own less. He has read his Marx. He has also read his estate agent’s valuation, and the two documents have somehow never met.

This is the British champagne socialist in his natural habitat. He believes, sincerely and at length, that wealth is theft. He believes it from a kitchen island the size of a small allotment. The contradiction does not trouble him. The contradiction, in fact, has its own wine cellar.

The Revolution Will Be Catered

To understand the elite Marxist, you must first understand that he is against capitalism in roughly the way a vicar is against sin. It is a thing he denounces on Sundays and quietly enjoys the rest of the week.

He wants the means of production seized. He does not want the means of catering touched, because the canapés at the fundraiser were really very good and the quinoa came from a co-operative in Shoreditch that only takes contactless. Comrade, but make it artisanal.

“I’ve fixed the boilers in some of these houses,” said Trevor Nunnery, a heating engineer from Walthamstow. “Lovely people. Very passionate about the workers. Never met a worker they’d let use the downstairs loo, mind.”

Jack Dee, surveying the scene with the enthusiasm of a man at a bus stop in the rain, put it plainly. “They want to abolish the class system. They’ve just had the new kitchen put in first. You can’t redistribute wealth on an empty stomach, and you certainly can’t do it without the bi-fold doors.”

A Politburo In Postcode N1

Marx promised a dictatorship of the proletariat. What Britain got was a dictatorship of the proletariat, ensuite, with off-street parking and a Farrow and Ball feature wall in Hague Blue.

The modern revolutionary does not gather in a factory. He gathers at a literary festival, on a panel titled something like “Reimagining Ownership,” sponsored by a bank. The irony is so thick you could spread it on the organic sourdough, and somebody usually does.

And here lies the genius of it. The British elite Marxist has achieved what Lenin never managed. He has made the long march through the institutions, and he did it in business class, with lounge access, complaining about the legroom.

Frankie Boyle once described the type with characteristic mercy. “He’ll tell you he stands with the workers. He’s standing with them the way a seagull stands with a chip. Very close, deeply interested, and entirely about himself.”

Seize The Means Of Production, Spare The Holiday Home

Every elite Marxist supports the redistribution of wealth. Terms and conditions apply. The redistribution is to go in one direction only, and the direction is conspicuously not towards the spare cottage in Tuscany.

Ask him about Marxism and he will explain dialectical materialism with the confidence of a man who has never once changed his own tyre. Ask him about his second property and he will explain that it is “complicated,” which is the champagne socialist’s term for “mine.”

From each according to his ability, to each according to his agent. The phrase has been updated for the British market. There simply isn’t enough champagne, green turtle, and truffle to go round, which is precisely the point a novelist made about these people back in 1906. The recipe hasn’t changed. Only the postcode has gone up.

“My grandad was a miner,” said Sandra Pyke, a teaching assistant from Barnsley. “Actual coal. These lot mine outrage. It’s a cleaner job and the pay’s far better. No lung problems either, unless you count the sighing.”

Grant-Funded Class War

No survey of the British revolutionary is complete without the academic. He holds a chair in something with the word “Studies” in it, paid for by a quango, funded by a grant, administered by a body whose entire purpose is to apply for more grants.

He has spent twenty years critiquing capitalism and not one single afternoon being touched by it. His salary is index-linked. His pension is gold-plated. His enemy is the market, which he has cleverly arranged never to enter.

This is class war as a career path. The barricades come with a sabbatical. Storm the Winter Palace by all means, but the funding round closes Friday and the form wants it in triplicate.

Milton Jones summed up the whole arrangement in one breath. “I asked a Marxist professor to explain surplus value. He charged me for the seminar.”

Tax The Rich, And Mind How You Define It

The elite Marxist loves a wealth tax. He loves it the way a cat loves a warm windowsill, which is to say enormously and without ever once thinking about who’s paying for the heating.

Tax the rich, he says. Define “rich,” you reply. And here the comrade goes suddenly vague, like a satnav losing signal in the Cotswolds. “Rich” is always the next chap up. It is the banker, the landlord, the faceless oligarch. It is never the £1.2 million terrace, the inherited ISA, or the column that pays four pounds a word to demand austerity for absolutely everyone else.

This is the great British innovation in revolutionary thought. We have taken Das Kapital and given it capital gains. We have given the world Marx and Spencer, comrade socialism with a loyalty card, where the workers of the world unite at the till and the membership benefits accrue to the chap who wrote the leaflet.

Comrades Of The Conscience, Owners Of The Deeds

And yet. For all the easy laughter at the man with the manifesto and the mortgage, there is something worth saying plainly.

Most people who fall for this stuff genuinely want the world to be kinder. That instinct is decent. The tragedy is that it gets harvested by people who’ve discovered you can profit handsomely from compassion as long as you never have to act on it personally. The plumber, the teaching assistant, the bloke from Barnsley, they’re the ones who actually carry it. They always have. The revolution, when it comes, will be paid for by the people it claims to be for, and the comrades will watch from the cottage in Tuscany, raising a glass to solidarity and charging it to the foundation.

For the American branch of this very same shop, where the comrades own waterfront property instead of holiday homes, our cousins at Bohiney keep a close and affectionate eye on the limousine left.

Disclaimer: This is British satirical journalism in the proud London tradition of skewering the powerful, the pompous, and the impeccably tailored hypocrite. The characters and quotations are comic exaggeration in the service of a serious point, crafted as British satire by the long human collaboration of the world’s oldest tenured professor and a philosophy major turned dairy farmer. No comrades were redistributed, though a few may need a lie down. Auf Wiedersehen, amigo!